• 2022 Volume 44 Issue 6
    Published: 23 June 2022

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  • LIU Xiaoyan CUI Yuanhang ZHAO Mengyuan LI Huifan
    2022, 44(6): 6-26.
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    The current researches on the international communication of CPC’s image have made some theoretical and practical contributions, while accompanied by some disagreements and blind spots. This paper studied the current researches on party’s image communication, the international communication concept of CPC’s image, background, communication effects and other contents, finds these researches present the following characteristics: more multi-section analysis and less duration comparison, more domestic image communication research and less international related research, more single factor analysis and less systematic discussion, more discourse information research and less administrative research. The future direction of the international communication of CPC’s image lies in: firstly, improve the theoretical level from the aspects of concept, background, history; secondly, from the perspective of Party activities, grassroots Party organizations and ordinary Party members to expand the study of the international communication subject of the CPC’s image; thirdly, place the study in the international political power pattern and perfect the assorted audience research and evaluation system; fourthly, deepen the study from the goal of image communication: the image identity to improve the effectiveness of communication.
  • NI Tianchang ZHU Runping HUANG Yu CHEN Zhifeng
    2022, 44(6): 27-49.
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    The factors that impact media trust are a long-standing topic of scholarly interest both domestically and overseas, but there is a dearth of research on culture as an influencing factor. To fill the research gap, this paper, based on Hofstede’s cultural dimension framework, adopts qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) to explore which cultural dimension or a combination of cultural dimensions might have a causal relationship with media trust in a country. The results show that “individualism” as a cultural dimension can independently promote high media trust, but no single cultural dimension can independently promote low media trust. Another finding of this study is that a combination of three cultural dimensions has a correlation with high media trust and four cultural dimensional combination schemes with low media trust. The results provide new empirical data and expand the perspective in media trust research.
  • YANG Fan NIU Yaohong
    2022, 44(6): 50-70.
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    International public opinion of China has become more negative recent years across many advanced economies, which has become a hindrance to reform, developments, and stability in China, as well as its global presence. Enhancing the international communication of Chinese culture is one way to improve this situation. Microtargeting like creating finely honed messages targeted at niche audiences is an important means to reach this goal. Due to the widespread phenomenon of political polarization in western societies, we propose an audience analysis approach based on the perspective of the political spectrum. This study examines three prominent ideologies in the United States and their attitudes and cognitions regarding China: the Christian right, economic populists and political and cultural populists. Our findings indicate that the Christian right pay less attention to China, the economic populists are concerned more about human rights violations, and the political and cultural populists develop a hostile mood and ideological bias against China.
  • HU Jie SUN Youzhong
    2022, 44(6): 71-95.
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    Taking the theoretical perspective of Sites of Memory, this paper applies the computational communication method of named entity recognition in tracing the media sites of memory and outlining the shifting “Communism” stereotype landscape in New York Times from 1981 to 2018. The study shows that the “Communism” stereotypes changed in accordance with the sites of memory and the American mainstream ideology and national interests, and transformed through three stages: from “an enemy combating the Western democracy in the Cold War”, to “a world political movement and a conspiracy endangering American national security”, and now to “China challenging the American leadership on the world stage.” The study of the coverage of Communism in Western media can not only deepen our understanding of media ideology behind the logical relationship between news and politics, but also help us grasp the essence and motivation of the new wave of “China’s threat” in Western media.
  • ZHANG Xiaoying
    2022, 44(6): 96-107.
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    The concept of transculturalism is often used to describe the increasingly complicated interactions between different cultures under the circumstances of globalization. It is also widely used in international communication/intercultural studies in China, and is often translated differently with different meanings such as “跨文化” “超越文化” “转文化”. How can we better understand the meaning of this concept in different academic contexts? This paper attempts to look into the development of the academic discourse of this term in the West so as to fully and accurately understand the connotation of transculturalism. It is found out that this term is developed as criticism of post-colonialism and that of Western cultural studies reflecting a worldview that is centered on Eurocentrism. The Chinese translation of transculturalism should accordingly vary in different academic discourses. The concept is of great significance to promote cultural equality, cultural connection and respect, cultural exchange and mutual learning. But cultural competition and western-centrism embedded in Welsch’s definition of transculturalism(超 文化主义) is worthy of attention.
  • HUANG Shunming LI Hongtao
    2022, 44(6): 108-129.
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    The article entitled “From ‘Crossroad’ to ‘Middle Zone’” can be understood as a metadiscourse analysis of the “reflexive discursive practice” by Anglo-American scholars around media sociology, and is a study focusing on what media sociology “is.” However, it is misread by Yao Wenyuan and Hu Yiqing, in the sense of what media sociology “ought to be,” as our “failure” in boundary work. Echoing this fundamental misreading, they also make a communication- centered and “de-historictized” judgment to the past traditions of media sociology, and attempt to advocate a “true media sociology” with mediatization theory as its core. After responding to their criticism and misreading, we insist that media sociology is not a given but a historical cause, and that it should be examined by being placed into the “continuum” notion, in order for us to critically inherit or creatively transform established traditions, to stimulate the interdisciplinary imaginations in the digital age, and to better understand the intersection and penetration between “the social logic of the media” and “the media logic of the society.” In addition, for the purposes of illustration, the article examines interpretive communities of Chinese media sociologists in terms of such issues as the “definition” and “topics” of media sociology.
  • LIU Zhanwei LI Aiai LIU Mengzhi
    2022, 44(6): 130-153.
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    Digital technology has triggered a crisis in the profitability of journalism. News organizations and journalists have begun to rediscover previously unappreciated audiences and obtain feedback from them through various measurement techniques. Traffic has become the “baton” and “judge” of news production. But research on the labour aspects of traffic has been a blind spot. From “earning work points” to “earning traffic”, the “traffic counting system” performance appraisal system spawned by Internet technology has gradually replaced the dominance of the “piecework system” in the traditional media era. A traffic tournament mechanism has emerged within the newsroom. The meritocracy, which is based on traffic, reinforces the culture of traffic in newsrooms, overrides more established professional values, and reaffirms and confirms the legitimacy of the “logic of traffic” in news production through the ritualized mechanism of newspaper evaluation. As a critical analysis, this paper aims to reflect on the challenge and erosion of journalists’ professional cultural authority by the rise of the audience through a critical examination of journalists' “traffic-earning” labour and newsrooms’ “traffic tournaments”, and to re-examine the “colonization” of public values in journalism by market discourse.
  • The Construction of Legitimacy: The Modern Shanghai Tabloids and Society
    2022, 44(6): 154-176.
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    Modern Shanghai tabloids were criticized by the mainstream society for their pornography, boredom, etc. They were always on the edge and existed as the opposite of the leading newspapers. In order to save the crisis of legitimacy, tabloids constructed their legitimacy by stating the equal value of leading newspapers and tabloids, self-praising, criticizing the leading newspapers and playing up to celebrities, and calling for “turning into leading newspapers” and establishing tabloid peer organizations. However, due to the strong commercial nature and lack of cooperative spirit of tabloids, the tabloid literati busy making a living and their obsolete knowledge structure, and the authorities’ inefficiency in controlling, the tabloids failed to eliminate their handicaps and reverse the social cognition. As a result, the construction of legitimacy had become an endless process. The new regime immediately halted the process.