PDF(1677 KB)
PDF(1677 KB)
PDF(1677 KB)
新闻时间研究:基本概念、运作逻辑与制度化结构——兼论数字时代新闻业的“加速”及其异化
Journalistic Time: Basic Concepts, Operational Logic, Institutional Structure and Further Discussions on “Acceleration” and Alienation of Journalism in the Digital Age
新闻活动(系统)中的“时间”究竟意味着什么尚缺乏充分的理论解释。基于时间社会学和社会系统论的视角,时间是现代社会系统中的根本性存在,也是解释现代新闻业运作、新闻传播主体关系的基础问题。新闻时间是时间的面向之一,在类型上属于社会时间,但具有“时间的社会性”和“时间的媒介性”双重特征。关于新闻时间的理论阐释至少包括四个方面:其一,新闻时间是新闻机构在运作过程中的行动参照机制,用来协调新闻传播主体(行动者)之间的新闻交往与社会行动;其二,新闻时间是一种标准化、时序化的结构,建立起个体与世界的稳定秩序和时间预期;其三,新闻时间是现代新闻业的时间制度,在新闻时间逻辑的支配下,现代新闻业处于一种“永不停歇”的循环状态中;其四,新闻时间具有典型的社会属性,影响人们的日常生活节奏、时间观念、新闻交往、社会行动。在数字时代,“加速新闻业”的实质就是新闻时间逻辑的异化,并由此引发了新闻传播主体间关系、新闻本体的危机,加速状态下的新闻时间是“空虚”的时间,是“没有时间的存在”。
What “time” means in the journalism activities (systems) is still lacking in adequate theoretical explanation. Based on the perspective of sociology of time and social system theory, time is a fundamental existence in modern social systems and a key issue in explaining the operation of modern journalism. Journalistic time is one of the aspects of time, while revealing its duality in both “sociality of time” and “mediality of time”. The theoretical interpretation of journalistic time includes at least four aspects: first, journalistic time is the reference mechanism of action in the operation of news organizations, which is used to coordinate news intercourse and social action among subjects (actors); second, journalistic time is a standardized, chronological structure that establishes a stable order and temporal expectation of the individual and the world; third, journalistic time is the time institution during the development of modern journalism, and under the domination of the logic of journalistic time, modern journalism is in a “never-ending” cycle; fourth, journalistic time has typical social attributes, affecting people’s daily life rhythm, time perception, news intercourse and social action. In the digital era, the essence of "accelerated journalism” is the alienation of the logic of journalistic time, which has led to the crisis in the inter-subjective relationship among news communication and of journalism ontology, and the accelerated journalistic time is “empty” time, or “timeless time”.
新闻时间 / 社会时间 / 数字新闻 / 社会世界 / “加速”新闻业
journalistic time / social time / digital journalism / social world theory / journalism acceleration
| [1] |
阿尔弗雷德·许茨(2017). 《社会世界的意义建构》(霍桂桓译). 北京: 北京师范大学出版社.
|
| [2] |
白红义(2018). 因时而作:新闻时间性的再考察. 国际新闻界(6),46-67.
时间既是新闻生产所能仰赖的资源,又对生产中的组织和个体施加着严厉的约束, 成为形塑新闻面貌的一股主要力量。经典的新闻室民族志研究对效率、节奏、日程、即 时性、截稿期等时间因素的论述深化了我们对新闻业“因时而作”这一特性的理解。但 在当前数字环境下的新闻生产中,这些基于传统新闻形态生成的时间模式和实践发生了 哪些变化?这些变化对于当前的新闻业又有何意义?本文希望通过系统地检视经典文献 和前沿研究,探究时间在新闻生产中的角色和意涵所发生的变化。
|
| [3] |
卞冬磊, 张稀颖(2006). 媒介时间的来临——对传播媒介塑造的时间观念之起源、形成与特征的研究. 新闻与传播研究(1),32-44+95.
|
| [4] |
丹尼尔·戴扬, 伊莱休·卡茨(2000). 《媒介事件:历史的现场直播》(麻争旗译). 北京: 北京广播学院出版社.
|
| [5] |
姜华, 张涛甫(2021). 传播结构变动中的新闻业及其未来走向. 中国社会科学(8),185-203+208.
|
| [6] |
盖伊·塔克曼(2022). 《做新闻:现实的社会建构》(李红涛译). 北京: 中国人民大学出版社.
|
| [7] |
尤尔根·哈贝马斯(1999). 《公共领域的结构转型》(曹卫东等译). 上海: 学林出版社.
|
| [8] |
哈尔特穆特·罗萨(2015). 《加速:现代社会中时间结构的改变》(董璐译). 北京: 北京大学出版社.
|
| [9] |
黄旦(2012). 报刊是一种交往关系——再谈报纸的“迷思”. 安徽大学学报(哲学社会科学版)(6),96-100.
|
| [10] |
黄旦(2018). 新闻传播学科化历程:媒介史角度. 新闻与传播研究(10),60-81+127.
|
| [11] |
詹姆斯·凯瑞(2019). 作为文化的传播:“媒介与社会”论文集(丁未译). 北京: 中国人民大学出版社.
|
| [12] |
乔纳森·克拉里(2015). 《24/7:晚期资本主义与睡眠的终结》(许多,沈河西译). 南京: 南京大学出版社.
|
| [13] |
尼克拉斯·鲁曼(2021). 《社会系统:一个一般理论的大纲》(鲁贵显,汤志杰译),台北:暖暖书屋文化事业股份有限公司.
|
| [14] |
马克·泰勒(2018). 《时间越少:从马丁·路德到大数据时代的速度,金钱与生命》(文晗译), 北京: 中国政法大学出版社.
|
| [15] |
韩炳哲(2017). 《时间的味道》(包向飞,徐基太译), 重庆: 重庆大学出版社.
|
| [16] |
景天魁, 何健, 邓万春, 顾金土(2012). 《时空社会学:理论与方法》. 北京: 北京师范大学出版社.
|
| [17] |
李彬(2009). 《全球新闻传播史:公元1500-2000(第2版)》. 北京: 清华大学出版社.
|
| [18] |
曼纽尔·卡斯特(2001). 《网络社会的崛起》(夏铸九,王志弘译). 北京: 社会科学文献出版社.
|
| [19] |
迈克尔·布若威(2008). 《制造同意——垄断资本主义劳动过程的变迁》(李荣荣译), 北京: 商务印书馆.
|
| [20] |
尼尔·波兹曼(2009). 《童年的消逝》(吴燕莛译). 桂林: 广西师范大学出版社.
|
| [21] |
诺贝特·埃利亚斯(2014). 《论时间》(李中文译). 台北: 群学出版有限公司.
|
| [22] |
邵培仁, 黄庆(2009). 媒介时间论——针对媒介时间观念的研究. 当代传播(3),21-24.
|
| [23] |
孙信茹(2015). 传媒人类学视角下的媒介和时间建构. 当代传播(4),34-37.
|
| [24] |
吴国盛(2006). 《时间的观念》. 北京: 北京大学出版社.
|
| [25] |
徐律(2020). 时间的社会学想象:文明化进程下的反思性展演. 社会学评论(6),83-98.
时间作为日常生活重要的符号系统,不仅发挥着协调社会运行的制度性功能,同时作为社会化的重要路径,个体也通过对这一制度性符号系统的习得,不断形塑着个体社会认知与想象。借助埃利亚斯社会文明化的发生学视角,一方面,宏观社会关系结构变迁造成了个体时间经验的抽象化,并形塑出普遍“线性的”理性时间认知机制。另一方面,于日常生活的时间运作中,基于个体“现在的”主体经验形塑出特殊的微分时间认知机制。进而,在两种认知机制相互作用下,时间成为日常生活中即熟悉又陌生的个人惯习一部分,时间迷思由此产生。而在当代社会加速的现代化境遇下,基于对“现在的”时间性社会想象的反思将为当下社会学反思及想象力拓展提供空间。
|
| [26] |
杨保军(2020). 论作为“中介”的新闻. 中州学刊(1),165-172.
|
| [27] |
郑作彧(2014). 社会速度研究:当代主要理论轴线. 国外社会科学(3),108-118.
|
| [28] |
郑作彧(2018). 《社会的时间:形成,变迁与问题》. 北京: 社会科学文献出版社.
|
| [29] |
郑作彧(2022). 时间的系统构成——卢曼社会系统理论中的时间概念, 社会学研究(2),69-91.
|
| [30] |
周星(2005). 关于“时间”的民俗与文化. 西北民族研究(2),121-139.
|
| [31] |
To understand news rhythms, scholars have primarily studied how the rituals and routines of news organizations align with the practices and expectations of audiences. The rhythms of today’s networked press, though, are set not only by journalists and consumers but also by largely invisible digital infrastructures: software, data, and technologies from outside newsrooms that are increasingly intertwined with journalistic work. Here, we argue that the rhythms of the contemporary, networked press live in the materials, practices, and values of hybrid, time-setting sociotechnical systems, a new concept we call anticipatory news infrastructure. We explicate this concept through a typology of sociotechnical dynamics, showing how the networked press is poised to sense events, structure journalistic work, predict and commodify traffic, architect audience relations, and categorize content. We argue that these infrastructures anticipate possible public life, thus creating anticipation publics through their largely invisible power to shape expectations of journalists and audiences alike.
|
| [32] |
News time has since the late 19th century moved away from storytelling to embrace modern progress. But time in news is elusive. The digital era splinters time, leaving news practice and research behind. A project to track US news into the 21st century documents a history of time in news: the realism of ‘who’, ‘where’, and ‘what’ declined, and the modernism contexts of ‘when’ and ‘why’ expanded. All five Ws moved contrary to expectation. Modernism tries to map time, but its definition is undecidable – even among logicians. Practitioners of news grapple with their topic: the realist now, and try to fit it into the modernist ‘standard time’, a time regime that imposes a big-picture interpretation onto their readers. The modern view equates clock time, a purely social invention, to quantifiable nature. Clock time offers an artificial view of the passage of time, but scientists dictated another big picture. ‘For us’, wrote Einstein, ‘who are convinced physicists, the distinction between past, present, and future has no other meaning than that of an illusion, though a tenacious one’. Time, although quantifiable, does not pass; its passing is an illusion and the objective view of the world is an immutable one. Coming to grips with the elusiveness of time, as it slips away from reporters and the grasp of scientists, creates opportunities for practitioners of news to align with contemporary mediated experiences. Facing the problem of time is done through Alfred North Whitehead, in whom the present moments is not a point of infinitessimal length on a single modernist time-line but an indivisible event that ‘grows literally by buds or drops’ of experience (William James in Whitehead), a landing ground which he calls the ‘actual occasion.’ Past, present, and future are not illusions, but symptoms of the subjective experience of process, which is not only real; it is part of the fundamental actual occasion. Weaving in Arendt’s distinction between ephemeral labor and permanent work illustrates how process philosophy can be grounded in both the labor and work of journalists, allowing news practitioners to adapt to digital times.
|
| [33] |
|
| [34] |
|
| [35] |
|
| [36] |
|
| [37] |
|
| [38] |
|
| [39] |
|
| [40] |
|
| [41] |
|
| [42] |
|
| [43] |
|
| [44] |
|
| [45] |
|
| [46] |
|
| [47] |
|
| [48] |
|
| [49] |
|
| [50] |
|
| [51] |
|
| [52] |
|
| [53] |
|
| [54] |
As noted by Jaworski et al. (2003a, 2003b, 2004), a significant amount of news items refer to future events. This article examines the `discourse of the future' in order to identify its extent and different types. The research examined headlines in Israeli newspapers over a period of 18 years (1985—2003) and found that approximately 70 percent of the main headlines deal not only with past events but with future ones as well. Thus, contrary to the conventional perception of journalism, this type of journalism does not report what has already happened, but speculates on future events, whether directly or by quoting military or political figures.
|
| [55] |
As traditional institutions have weakened, the news media have been expected to carry more of the burden of organizing public opinion and debate. In general, however, the news agenda is an unsuitable basis for political action. There are always critical problems facing society, but whether they play a large or small part in the news, and do so in a true or distorted form, depends significantly on how they conform to the time-driven demands of the news cycle. The news is deliberately shortsighted, is rooted in novelty rather than precision, and focuses on fastbreaking events rather than enduring issues.
|
| [56] |
|
| [57] |
Schlesinger, P (1988) Putting ‘Reality’ Together: BBC News. London, UK: Routledge.
|
| [58] |
|
| [59] |
Schudson, M (1986). Deadlines, Datelines, and History. In Reading News (pp.79-108).edited by Robin K. Manoff and Michael Schudson. New York: Pantheon Books. Sheller, M. (2015) News now. Journalism Studies, 16(1): 12-26.
|
| [60] |
|
| [61] |
|
| [62] |
This article examines the representation of past, present, and future in print and online news, while establishing a link between the temporal orientation of news stories and the constraints of the news cycle. Based on a content analysis of top news stories in the Israeli media, the study shows that a future temporal orientation is more prevalent in print media, which assume the role of projecting upcoming events, analyzing potential outcomes, and shaping collective expectations. In contrast, online news tends to assume the more commonly recognized journalistic role of informing the public on recent-past events. The discussion introduces the notion of “temporal affordances,” referring to the temporal constraints and possibilities of media technologies, which in turn can lead to distinctive content characteristics. These affordances, which connect symbolic and material dimensions, contribute to the shaping and reshaping of the functions served by divergent communication outlets in changing media landscapes.
|
| [63] |
|
| [64] |
|
| [65] |
|
| [66] |
|
| [67] |
|
| [68] |
|
| [69] |
|
| [70] |
|
| [71] |
|
| [72] |
|
| [73] |
|
1. 在过去的研究中,Temporality多被学者们理解为“时间性”和“及时性”,并由此出发理解时间对于新闻业的影响。而在本文的论述中,新闻时间并不是单纯地指示新闻内容、新闻信息的及时性问题,而是描述新闻业运作及其在社会中的时间建构。因其具有“时间的社会性”和“时间的媒介性”双重特征,本文参照社会学者对于“社会时间”(social time)的译法,将“新闻时间”译为“journalistic time”。
2. 此处的论述,参照了阿尔弗雷德·许茨在《社会世界的意义建构:理解的社会学引论》中关于社会世界类型的分类。后文将作详细分析。(参见阿尔弗雷德·许茨。(
3. 丹尼尔·戴扬和伊莱休·卡茨同时提出了媒介事件的“3C类型”,即“加冕”(Coronation)、“征服”(Conquest)、“竞赛”(Contest),并将奥运会归类到了“竞赛”这一分类下。由于这三种类型的媒介事件都属于正面的事件,戴杨在后来的研究中先提出“超越媒介事件”(Beyond Media Events)。在文章《超越媒介事件:幻灭、脱轨、冲突》中,他认为近年的媒介事件与20世纪八九十年代的媒介事件已有不同,于是在“3C”的基础上拓展偏负面、创伤性的“3D”媒介事件,即“幻灭”(Disenchantment)、“脱轨”(Derailment)、“冲突”(Disruption),并由此拓展了原本媒介事件概念的内涵。参见Dayan, D. (2009). Beyond media events: Disenchantment, derailment, disruption. in Media events in a global age (pp. 35-43). London, UK: Routledge. 但本文重点并不在于论述媒介事件,此处不再赘述。
4. 本图是为阐释新闻时间运作逻辑的抽象示意图,主要说明现代新闻业运作的基本机制,而非对新闻系统运作的详细图解,特此说明。
/
| 〈 |
|
〉 |