PDF(1700 KB)
PDF(1700 KB)
PDF(1700 KB)
关系动机驱动自我呈现策略的跨文化逆反效应——基于在美中国旅居者社交媒体使用的实证研究
Intercultural Retrogressive Effect of the Driving Force of Relationship Motivation on Self-Presentation Strategies: An Empirical Study on Chinese Sojourners’ Use of Social Media in USA
跨文化语境下旅居者的传播行为呈现出动态性的、权宜性的复杂特征，而已有研究对旅居者传播行为的讨论偏于泛化或类型化。本研究对528名在美中国旅居者社交媒体使用进行问卷调查，数据显示，旅居者的关系动机对自我呈现策略的驱动呈现出如下特征：第一，在中国社交媒体平台上，维持国内关系动机主要驱动积极主动型呈现策略；而在美国社交媒体平台上，发展与美国人的关系驱动的是保护防御型呈现策略。第二，发展华人关系动机在中国社交媒体平台上仅驱动保护防御型呈现策略；在美国社交媒体平台上则主要驱动积极主动型呈现策略。以上现象可称之为“跨文化逆反效应”。“跨文化逆反效应”的发现揭示了跨文化语境下社会交往与人际关系中关系动机与自我呈现策略之间的联动机制，这一效应得以拓展身份协商理论的解释路径，并清晰界定与细分出了典型化的身份协商策略。
The communication behavior of sojourners presents the complex characteristics of dynamicity and expediency in the intercultural context, yet existing studies tend to generalize or categorize the communication behavior of sojourners. Based on the survey data of 528 Chinese sojourners’ social media use in the United States, this study shows that the driving force of relationship motivation on self-presentation strategies presents the following characteristics: First, on Chinese social media platform, motivation of maintaining domestic relationships mainly drives proactive presentation strategy; on American social media platform, motivation of developing relationships with Americans drives defensive presentation strategy. Second, the motivation of developing relationships with Chinese Americans only drives defensive presentation strategy on Chinese social media platform, while it mainly drives proactive presentation strategy on American social media platform. The above two characteristics can be conceptualized as “intercultural retrogressive effect”. The discovery of this effect reveals the linkage mechanism between relationship motivation and self-presentation strategy of social communication and interpersonal relationships in intercultural context, which can expand interpretation path of identity negotiation theory, as well as clearly define and subdivide typical identity negotiation strategies.
在美中国旅居者 / 社交媒体 / 身份协商 / 跨文化逆反效应
Chinese sojourners in the USA / social media / identity negotiation / intercultural retrogressive effect
| [1] |
卜玉梅(2015). 从在线到离线:基于互联网的集体行动的形成及其影响因素——以反建X餐厨垃圾站运动为例. 《社会》,(5),168-195.
|
| [2] |
陈云松(2013). 互联网使用是否扩大非制度化政治参与——基于CGSS2006的工具变量分析. 《社会》,(5),118-143.
|
| [3] |
陈福平, 许丹红(2017). 观点与链接:在线社交网络中的群体政治极化——一个微观行为的解释框架. 《社会》,(4),217-240.
|
| [4] |
陈向明(2004). 《旅居者和‘外国人’——留美中国学生跨文化人际交往研究》. 北京: 教育科学出版社.
|
| [5] |
费孝通(1985). 《乡土中国》. 北京: 生活•读书•新知三联书店.
|
| [6] |
范可(2012). 移民与“离散”:迁徙的政治. 《思想战线》,(1),14-20.
|
| [7] |
付晓燕(2018). 网络空间的“文化休克”与文化认同:基于中国留学生社交媒体使用的生命故事. 《国际新闻界》,(3),63-82.
|
| [8] |
黄含韵(2015). 中国青少年社交媒体使用与沉迷现状:亲和动机、印象管理与社会资本. 《新闻与传播研究》,(10),28-49+126-127.
|
| [9] |
黄光国(2013). 自我实现与华人世界中的价值变迁.载杨国枢(主编),《中国人的价值观》(第101-145页). 北京: 中国人民大学出版社.
|
| [10] |
李琼, 郭德俊(1999). 中国人的印象整饰特征及其影响因素初探. 《心理科学》,(6),488-491+573.
|
| [11] |
李明欢(2018). 国际移民与人类命运共同体构建:以华侨华人为视角的思考. 《华侨华人历史研究》,(1),1-4.
|
| [12] |
牛更枫, 鲍娜, 范翠英, 周宗奎, 孔繁昌, 孙晓军(2015). 社交网站中的自我呈现对自尊的影响:社会支持的中介作用. 《心理科学》,(4),939-945.
|
| [13] |
欧文·戈夫曼(1959/2008). 《日常生活中的自我呈现》(冯钢译). 北京: 北京大学出版社.
|
| [14] |
申琦(2015). 自我表露与社交网络隐私保护行为研究——以上海市大学生的微信移动社交应用(APP)为例. 《新闻与传播研究》,(4),5-17+126.
|
| [15] |
宋林飞(1997). 《西方社会学理论》. 南京: 南京大学出版社.
|
| [16] |
王小璐, 缪颖(2018). 从自我呈现到自我认同:网络化个人主义时代的社会化路径. 《中国青年研究》,(1),91-98.
|
| [17] |
肖荣春(2018). 微信群的“社会互助”与“故事讲述”——一项基于美国华人社区微信群的探索性研究. 《新闻与传播研究》,(1),66-83+127-128.
|
| [18] |
杨桃莲(2017). 学者自我表露差异中的性别认同——基于新浪微博文本的考察. 《新闻大学》,(4),64-72+148-149.
|
| [19] |
杨宜音(1995). 试析人际关系及其分类——兼与黄光国先生商榷. 《社会学研究》,(5),18-23.
|
| [20] |
赵曙光(2014). 社交媒体的使用效果:社会资本的视角. 《国际新闻界》,(7),146-159.
|
| [21] |
翟学伟(2017). 《中国人行动的逻辑》. 北京: 生活•读书•新知三联书店.
|
| [22] |
翟学伟(2011). 《中国人的关系原理: 时空秩序、生活欲念及其流变》. 北京: 北京大学出版社.
|
| [23] |
周敏, 林闵钢 (2004). 族裔资本与美国华人移民社区的转型. 《社会学研究》,(3),36-46.
|
| [24] |
赵瑜佩(2018). “世纪潮一代”的网络社会资本重构:对比在英流寓华人Facebook和微信的数字化融入. 《国际新闻界》,(3),40-62.
|
| [25] |
张少科(2018). 离散族群多元文化认同对社交媒体使用的影响. 《国际新闻界》,(3),83-100.
|
| [26] |
Two experiments were conducted to provide evidence concerning the contribution of self-presentation concerns to the self-serving bias in causal attribution (individuals' tendency to assume more personal responsibility for a success than for a failure outcome) and its occasional, but systematic, reversal. In Experiment 1 high- but not low-social-anxiety participants presented themselves in a far more modest light when a committee of high prestige others was to join the experimenter in evaluating their behavior than when the committee evaluation was canceled. In Experiment 2 this reversal of the self-serving bias among high-social-anxiety subjects (in the evaluative context) was replicated, and it was also found that both high- and low-social-anxiety participants portrayed the causes of their behavior in a more modest fashion when they responded via the "bogus pipeline," a measurement technique designed to reduce distortion and dissimulation in verbal responses, than when they responded in the traditional paper-and-pencil format (although the influence of the bogus pipeline above and beyond the committee evaluation in eliciting "honest" responses from subjects only reached significance for low-social-anxiety subjects). These findings are discussed in terms of the varying self-presentation strategies and differing self-concepts of individuals high and low in social anxiety, as well as the self-presentation component to apparently self-enhancing and self-effacing causal attributions for performance.
|
| [27] |
|
| [28] |
|
| [29] |
|
| [30] |
|
| [31] |
Social media have become a relevant arena for different forms of civic engagement and activism. This article focuses on the affordances and constraints of different social media platforms as they are perceived by Italian activists. Instead of focusing on single protest movements, or on single platforms, we adopt a media ecological approach and consider a variety of environments where people can choose to express protest-related content. Our main goal is to explore whether, and how, the affordances and constraints of different social media platforms are perceived by users, and how such perceived differences are integrated in everyday social media activities. To this end, we combined in-depth interviews with an adapted version of the cognitive walkthrough and thinking aloud techniques. Respondents reported that they act on social media platforms according to specific representations of what each platform ‘is’, and how it works. Such perceptions affect users' protest-related social media practices. Although they perceive major social media platforms filtering strategies and are aware, to different extents, of their commodified nature, they report continuing to use them for activism-related communication, often adopting an instrumental approach.
|
| [32] |
|
| [33] |
|
| [34] |
|
| [35] |
|
| [36] |
|
| [37] |
|
| [38] |
|
| [39] |
|
| [40] |
|
| [41] |
The authors present a new approach to culture and cognition, which focuses on the dynamics through which specific pieces of cultural knowledge (implicit theories) become operative in guiding the construction of meaning from a stimulus. Whether a construct comes to the fore in a perceiver's mind depends on the extent to which the construct is highly accessible (because of recent exposure). In a series of cognitive priming experiments, the authors simulated the experience of bicultural individuals (people who have internalized two cultures) of switching between different cultural frames in response to culturally laden symbols. The authors discuss how this dynamic, constructivist approach illuminates (a) when cultural constructs are potent drivers of behavior and (b) how bicultural individuals may control the cognitive effects of culture.
|
| [42] |
|
| [43] |
|
| [44] |
|
| [45] |
|
| [46] |
|
| [47] |
|
| [48] |
We revisit the notion of activist persistence against the backdrop of protest communication on Twitter. We take an event-based approach and examine Occupy Gezi, a series of protests that occurred in Turkey in the early summer of 2013. By cross-referencing survey data with longitudinal Twitter data and in-depth interviews, we investigate the relationship between biographical availability, relational and organisational ties, and social and personal costs to persistent activism online and on location. Contrary to expectations, we find no clear-cut relationship between those factors and sustained commitment to participation in the occupation. We show that persistent activist communication did not feed into enduring organisational structures despite the continuous online activity observed during and beyond the peak of the Gezi occupation. The article concludes with reflections on the organisational ramifications of persistent communication and its significance in a political context posing high risks to participation in dissident politics.
|
| [49] |
Prior research has documented cultural dimensions that broadly characterize between-culture variations in Western and East Asian societies and that bicultural individuals can flexibly change their behaviors in response to different cultural contexts. In this article, we studied cultural differences and behavioral switching in the context of the fast emerging, naturally occurring online social networking, using both self-report measures and content analyses of online activities on two highly popular platforms, Facebook and Renren (the “Facebook of China”). Results showed that while Renren and Facebook are two technically similar platforms, the Renren culture is perceived as more collectivistic than the Facebook culture. Furthermore, we presented evidence for the first time that users who are members of both online cultures flexibly switch and adapt their in-group sharing behaviors in response to the online community in which they are: They perform more benevolent in-group sharing when they participate in the Renren community and less so when they participate in the Facebook community. We discussed both the theoretical and methodological implications of the current research.
|
| [50] |
|
| [51] |
|
| [52] |
|
| [53] |
|
| [54] |
|
| [55] |
|
| [56] |
|
| [57] |
|
1. 本文对“在美中国旅居者”身份的界定以其自身特征为基础，同时参考借鉴了萧振鹏（Siu，
2. 本文所引用数据检索于Institute of International Education的官方网站：
3. 这里的华人指已经拥有美国公民身份的华裔及持有绿卡的华人。
4. 本次样本数据收集于新冠肺炎疫情期间，疫情期间中美关系变局带来的影响为凸显样本数据相较于平时的文化差异提供了条件。
/
| 〈 |
|
〉 |
