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做主播:一项关系劳动的数码民族志
Learning to Live-stream: A Digital Ethnography of Relational Labor
根据第45次《中国互联网络发展状况统计报告》的统计,截至2020年3月,中国网络秀场直播的用户规模达到2.07亿,成为互联网中一项重要的经济产业。既有研究往往借用情感劳动这一概念,聚焦于直播平台与公会如何异化和剥削从业者。然而,这一取向一方面在很大程度上忽略了主播作为劳动者的主观体验;另一方面,情感劳动在解释主播工作实践的过程中也显现出局限性。因此,本研究基于12个月的数码民族志,通过将“关系劳动”与“平台化”这两个理论视角加以结合,考察了秀场主播如何理解并实践自己与观众在直播间内/外形成的经济关系与亲密关系,并梳理出“标价”“区分”和“界限”三种行动策略。在此基础上,本研究进一步对关系劳动、平台化与秀场主播的主体性这三个概念进行了理论反思。
According to the 45th Statistical Report on China’s Internet Development, as of March 2020, live-streaming show in China, which attracted 207 million users, has become an important economic industry. Previous studies often employed concept of emotional labor to investigate how live-streaming platforms alienated and exploited the practitioners. However, on the one hand, this approach largely ignored the live-streamers’ subjective experience; on the other hand, the use of emotional labor also showed limitations in explaining the live-streamers’ working practice. Therefore, based on a 12-month digital ethnography, this study combines “relational labor” and “platformization” to examine how live-streamers negotiate the economic and intimate relationships with their audiences inside/outside the live-streaming platform, and concludes three strategies of “pricing”, “differentiation” and “boundary”. The study also makes a further theoretical reflection on relational labor, platformization and the subjectivity of live-streamers.
主播 / 数码民族志 / 关系劳动 / 平台化 / 双重不稳定性
live-streamer / digital ethnography / relational labor / platformization / dual precarity
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This article examines conditions placing China’s livestreamers as central focal points in the increasing tensions between the cultural politics and economic ambitions of digital China. Framed by concerns around ‘platformization’, this research uses a creator-centric critical media industries studies perspective. Chinese livestreamers enjoy a greater degree of opportunity than their Western counterparts, including competing gameplay platforms that vie for premier gameplayers who can dictate their own terms. Decades-old cultural policies fostered underlying conditions that advantage female streamers engaging in gendered performativity to appeal to lonely rich men. Livestreamers ride marketing imperatives directing consumers to cross-integrated e-commerce platforms that fuel China’s emerging consumption culture. But livestreamers engage in ‘edge ball’ violations of Chinese norms that make them subject to an ever-increasing level of state regulatory restraint, signaling the return of ideology designed to mold online expression and behavior.
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\r\nThe relative novelty of digital ethnography as a research methodology, along with the challenges that it moves to classical understandings of fieldwork, participation and representation, results in a repertoire of professional illusions through which digital ethnographers justify their work when confronted with the disciplinary culture of anthropology. This essay is based on the author’s reflexive experience of researching digital media use in China, and updates Gary Alan Fine’s 1993 article “Ten Lies of Ethnography” by identifying three lies of digital ethnography. Illustrating each of these lies through an archetypal figure – the ‘networked field-weaver’, the ‘eager participant-lurker’ and the ‘expert fabricator’ – this article argues for the need to confront methodological illusions and embrace the tensions behind them as useful heuristics for conducting ethnographic research on, through and about digital media.\r\n
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Based on Internet Ethnography of a popular female live streamer on YouTube Gaming, this article theorizes how game live streaming invokes new forms of paid emotional labor that intersect with traditionally feminized demands of unpaid attentive and caring work. Drawing from an intersectional feminist framework that takes seriously small data and everyday life, this article suggests there is a shift toward one’s work being part of a personalized media economy that can relate to one’s audience. This study concludes with an invitation to think how folks under neoliberal capitalism are willing to leave secure, traditional 9-to-5 jobs, in order to be a professional gamer without any social safety nets and ultimately be always-on-the-clock.
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This literature review was conducted to investigate the association between emotional labor and burnout and to explore the role of personality in this relationship. The results of this review indicate that emotional labor is a job stressor that leads to burnout. Further examination of personality traits, such as self-efficacy and type A behavior pattern, is needed to understand the relationships between emotional labor and health outcomes, such as burnout, psychological distress, and depression. The results also emphasized the importance of stress management programs to reduce the adverse outcomes of emotional labor, as well as coping repertories to strengthen the personal potential suitable to organizational goals. Moreover, enhancing employees' capacities and competence and encouraging a positive personality through behavior modification are also necessary.© Copyright: Yonsei University College of Medicine 2018.
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This article explores how the political economy of the cultural industries changes through platformization: the penetration of economic and infrastructural extensions of online platforms into the web, affecting the production, distribution, and circulation of cultural content. It pursues this investigation in critical dialogue with current research in business studies, political economy, and software studies. Focusing on the production of news and games, the analysis shows that in economic terms platformization entails the replacement of two-sided market structures with complex multisided platform configurations, dominated by big platform corporations. Cultural content producers have to continuously grapple with seemingly serendipitous changes in platform governance, ranging from content curation to pricing strategies. Simultaneously, these producers are enticed by new platform services and infrastructural changes. In the process, cultural commodities become fundamentally “contingent,” that is increasingly modular in design and continuously reworked and repackaged, informed by datafied user feedback.
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Guided by the frameworks of niche and polymedia theories, this study sought to understand the phenomenon of platform-swinging on social media, which refers to the routine use of multiple social media platforms that has become commonplace across different ages. Based on focus group discussions (FGDs) with 62 social media users in Singapore, this study found that social media users engage in platform-swinging for relationship management and self-presentation gratifications. While these gratifications are also served by individual social media platforms, platform-swinging allows social media users to navigate structural, social, and norm barriers to obtain greater gratification opportunities. This has implications on how social media users subsequently regard and segment their personal relationships.
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Over the past decade, social media platforms have penetrated deeply into the mechanics of everyday life, affecting people's informal interactions, as well as institutional structures and professional routines. Far from being neutral platforms for everyone, social media have changed the conditions and rules of social interaction. In this article, we examine the intricate dynamic between social media platforms, mass media, users, and social institutions by calling attention to social media logic—the norms, strategies, mechanisms, and economies—underpinning its dynamics. This logic will be considered in light of what has been identified as mass media logic, which has helped spread the media's powerful discourse outside its institutional boundaries. Theorizing social media logic, we identify four grounding principles—programmability, popularity, connectivity, and datafication—and argue that these principles become increasingly entangled with mass media logic. The logic of social media, rooted in these grounding principles and strategies, is gradually invading all areas of public life. Besides print news and broadcasting, it also affects law and order, social activism, politics, and so forth. Therefore, its sustaining logic and widespread dissemination deserve to be scrutinized in detail in order to better understand its impact in various domains. Concentrating on the tactics and strategies at work in social media logic, we reassess the constellation of power relationships in which social practices unfold, raising questions such as: How does social media logic modify or enhance existing mass media logic? And how is this new media logic exported beyond the boundaries of (social or mass) media proper? The underlying principles, tactics, and strategies may be relatively simple to identify, but it is much harder to map the complex connections between platforms that distribute this logic: users that employ them, technologies that drive them, economic structures that scaffold them, and institutional bodies that incorporate them.
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Daigou, literally translated as buying on behalf of, is a Mandarin term that refers to a form of personalised transnational trading activity, which is generally characterised by practices of purchasing locally manufactured products overseas and reselling them to consumers in China via international courier services. This article examines Chinese international students’ digital labour invested in daigou and their use of social media, particularly WeChat, in running their personal enterprises. Through the analytical lens of ‘boundary’, the article reveals how daigou activities involve sustained crossing and reconstructing boundaries of privacy through selective self-disclosure of personal information. This study contributes to the empirical literature on international students’ everyday use of digital media by highlighting their work practices in the digital age. Conceptually, the case study of daigou suggests overlapping spaces between various forms of digital labour and the relevance of ‘unproductive’ labour which constitutes a necessary dimension of online work.
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1. 所谓PK,即一个主播对另一个主播发起的连线挑战,双方通过连麦的形式,在一定时间内,基于各自收到打赏的总金额来判定胜负,败方则要在PK结束之后接受事先约定好的惩罚游戏。
2. 当然,这里所谓的工作协议往往并不是传统意义上的劳动合同,而是类似于艺人合作协议。因此,大部分主播不会获得稳定的保底薪水。部分主播是可以通过签约获得底薪,例如公会与主播签订两个月的短期合同,承诺每个月的底薪为3000元。不过,因为合同本身往往并没有多少法律效力,在最终支付的问题上便会大打折扣甚至完全落空。在我们的田野中,主播Gill便签订了底薪合约,但两个月的工作之后,公司借口财务问题,拒绝支付。Gill在向劳动仲裁部门申诉时被拒绝,因为这份合同不属于劳动合同。
3. 直播行业从业者的流动性很大,我们接触的运营普遍认为,主播这一职业的平均从业寿命大概在两个月。在我们进行参与式观察的九个月时间内,有些主播在此期间“退网”,有些主播在此期间退网又复播,也有些主播则一直在从事直播。因此,我们对5位女主播的田野时间为两到六个月。
4. 对于具体秀场主播的选择,涉及到了时间和空间两个维度的代表性问题。从时间维度来讲,互联网平台始终处于一种持续转型的状态。因此,研究者必须明白自己所在田野工作的具体时期(periodization),以及蕴藏其中的局限性(Zhang,
5. 全职且高收入的所谓“大主播”,往往会拥有一个团队来协助直播工作,她们的场控一部分是团队内部的工作人员,另一部分则是刷礼物较多的“财团”。因为直播间人数和公屏发言较多,财团作为场控,可以通过“飘屏”让他们的发言被主播看到。当然,这一部分高度职业化“头部主播”数量较少,也并不是本研究主要的考察对象。
6. 这并不意味着小号会比大号更加“虚假”。例如,在小号中,主播可能反而会展现对生活的抱怨,在大号中却从不会这样做。其中的原因,一方面是因为主播可能会将小号视为自我情绪披露更安全的场所,另一方面,正如前文所言,则可能是因为主播会将真实自我的选择性披露作为一种换取信任的资源,女主播对自己生活的抱怨,也可能更大程度上激发男性观众的保护欲。
7. 抖音直播界面在这次访谈之后不久便做出改版,主播在邀请观众上麦语音聊天时,仍然需要进行视频直播,这更深一步地强化了可见性的不对等。
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