The Influence of American Mainstream Media Reports on China’s Credible Political Image in ASEAN—Take US Media Reports on the Belt and Road Initiative as an Example

YU Qingchu, GUO Yingchun

Chinese Journal of Journalism & Communication ›› 2024, Vol. 46 ›› Issue (8) : 72-90.

PDF(1561 KB)
PDF(1561 KB)
Chinese Journal of Journalism & Communication ›› 2024, Vol. 46 ›› Issue (8) : 72-90.
Construct Independent Knowledge System of Journalism and Communication

The Influence of American Mainstream Media Reports on China’s Credible Political Image in ASEAN—Take US Media Reports on the Belt and Road Initiative as an Example

Author information +
History +

Abstract

Credibility serves as the fundamental cornerstone for crafting a “credible, endearing, and respectable” image of China. This paper examines the role of emotional bias in U.S. mainstream media coverage of the “Belt and Road” initiative within ASEAN countries and its impact on the perception of China’s credible political image. The findings reveal a correlation: the more positive the emotional tone in U.S. mainstream media reports, the more favorable the perception of China's political image among ASEAN nations, and this relationship holds true in reverse as well. By incorporating the moderating effects of political trust in and alliance with the United States, the research indicates that ASEAN countries with stronger ties to the U.S. are less susceptible to media influence, whereas those with weaker ties are more likely to be swayed by media narratives. This suggests that once a stable trust relationship is established between nations, it remains robust against media influences. Conversely, for nations lacking such trust, media can exert a significant influence. Drawing on the theory of “wedge strategy,” this paper proposes strategies for preemptive alliance blocking and alliance differentiation in international communication. These strategies aim to enhance ASEAN’s recognition and acceptance of China’s credible political image.

Key words

national image / trust between countries / political trust / alliances

Cite this article

Download Citations
YU Qingchu , GUO Yingchun. The Influence of American Mainstream Media Reports on China’s Credible Political Image in ASEAN—Take US Media Reports on the Belt and Road Initiative as an Example[J]. Chinese Journal of Journalism & Communication. 2024, 46(8): 72-90

References

[1]
爱德华·萨义德(1981/2009). 《报道伊斯兰》(阎纪宇译). 上海: 上海译文出版社.
[2]
包广将(2015). 东亚国家间信任生成与流失的逻辑:本体性安全的视角. 《当代亚太》,(1),38-62+157-158.
[3]
包凌, 蒋颖(2012). 图书馆统一资源发现系统的比较研究. 《情报资料工作》,(5),67-72.
[4]
曹晋, 赵月枝(2008). 传播政治经济学的学术脉络与人文关怀. 《南开学报(哲学社会科学版)》,(5),32-43.
[5]
陈遥(2014). 中国—东盟政治互信:现状、问题与模式选择. 《东南亚研究》,(4),34-40.
[6]
程曼丽(2020). 从列宁《帝国主义论》看美国涉华舆论的本质. 《文化与传播》,(3),14-16.
[7]
戴薇薇(2020). “一带一路”背景下国家间信任建构探析——基于社会关系网络视角. 《江西社会科学》,(4),203-211.
[8]
邓伯军(2020). 数字资本主义的意识形态逻辑批判. 《社会科学》,(8),23-31.
[9]
多米尼克·莫伊西(2009/2010). 《情感地缘政治学》(姚芸竹译). 北京: 新华出版社.
[10]
郭继荣, 屈亚媛(2022). 外媒涉华报道影响因素研究. 《情报杂志》,(6),120-125+134.
[11]
汉斯·摩根索(1948/2005). 《国家间政治》(徐昕,郝望,李保平译). 北京: 北京大学出版社.
[12]
黄海涛(2016). 不确定性、风险管理与信任决策——基于中美战略互动的考察. 《世界经济与政治》,(12),128-151+160.
[13]
孔德永(2007). 政治认同的逻辑. 《山东大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》,(1),124-128.
[14]
蓝茵茵, 李婷(2023). 构建可信可爱可敬中国形象的媒体传播策略研究——CGTN共建“一带一路”报道分析. 《新闻研究导刊》,(11),29-32.
[15]
雷珺(2015). 政治互信对中国与东盟司法合作的影响. 《和平与发展》,(3),40-49+111-112.
[16]
李明月, 顾园缘(2022). 技术合作与同盟压力:美国对华科技制裁中美国盟友的政策选择. 《当代亚太》,(2),115-141+146-147.
[17]
李文宇, 刘洪铎(2016). 多维距离视角下的“一带一路”构建——空间、经济、文化与制度. 《国际经贸探索》,(6),99-112.
[18]
李宇(2017). 美国媒体在东南亚地区的本土化传播策略与启示. 《南方电视学刊》,(6),124-126.
[19]
凌胜利(2015). 《分而制胜:冷战时期美国楔子战略研究》. 外交学院博士论文. 北京.
[20]
刘昌明, 杨慧(2016). 社会网络视角下的东亚国家间信任建构:理论框架与现实路径. 《亚太研究》,(6),1-16.
[21]
刘俊(2023年02月07日). 展现可信、可爱、可敬的中国形象(新论)——增强文化自信建设文化强国. 《人民日报》,05.
[22]
罗圣荣(2022). 构建中国—东盟政治互信:历史经验与提升路径. 《当代世界》,(4),15-20.
[23]
人民日报(2021年6月2日). 习近平在中共中央政治局第三十次集体学习时强调加强和改进国际传播工作展示真实立体全面的中国. 《人民日报》,01.
[24]
沈大伟(2018). 2018年美国与东南亚的关系:延续多于改变. 《南洋问题研究》,(3),1-14.
[25]
唐桦(2011). 主观博弈论视角下的两岸政治互信初探. 《台湾研究集刊》,(6),6-14.
[26]
唐世平(2019). 国际秩序变迁与中国的选项. 《中国社会科学》,(3),187-203+208.
[27]
唐维红(2023). 让可信、可爱、可敬的中国形象走入人心——共情传播视角下的人民网国际传播实践. 《国际传播》,(2),32-38.
[28]
王金波(2020). 制度距离、文化差异与中美贸易摩擦中的权力因素——基于1980-2018年美国对外贸易争端数据的定量研究. 《当代亚太》,(2),40-74+152.
[29]
王金波(2022). “一带一路”能否提升中国国家形象. 《世界经济与政治》,(2),4-31+155-156.
[30]
王日华(2011). 中国传统的国家间信任思想及其启示. 《世界经济与政治》,(3),100-121+159.
[31]
习近平(2022年10月26日). 高举中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜,为全面建设社会主义现代化国家而团结奋斗. 《人民日报》,01.
[32]
邢和平(2002). 中国与东盟从经济合作走向政治互信. 《东南亚纵横》,(12),11-12.
[33]
宣长春, 林升栋(2021). 文化距离视野下的“一带一路”倡议——基于4918篇英文新闻报道的情感分析(2013-2019年). 《新闻与传播研究》,(6),24-43+126.
[34]
余潇枫, 周冉(2017). 安全镶嵌:构建中国周边信任的新视角. 《浙江大学学报》,(1),150-169.
[35]
张锡镇(1999). 中国同东盟的睦邻互信伙伴关系. 《当代亚太》,(2),26-29.
[36]
张毓强(2002). 国家形象刍议. 《现代传播(中国传媒大学学报)》,(2),27-31.
[37]
赵新利(2022). 信任理论视野下可信中国形象塑造的路径. 《现代传播(中国传媒大学学报)》,(5),68-75.
[38]
钟新, 蒋贤成, 崔灿(2021). 构建可信、可爱、可敬中国形象的媒体传播策略——CGTN云南野生象群迁移热点事件报道分析. 《电视研究》,(9),20-23.
[39]
Bailey M. A., Strezhnev A., & Voeten E. (2017). Estimating dynamic state preferences from United Nations voting data. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 61(2), 430-456.
United Nations (UN) General Assembly votes have become the standard data source for measures of states preferences over foreign policy. Most papers use dyadic indicators of voting similarity between states. We propose a dynamic ordinal spatial model to estimate state ideal points from 1946 to 2012 on a single dimension that reflects state positions toward the US-led liberal order. We use information about the content of the UN’s agenda to make estimates comparable across time. Compared to existing measures, our estimates better separate signal from noise in identifying foreign policy shifts, have greater face validity, allow for better intertemporal comparisons, are less sensitive to shifts in the UN’ agenda, and are strongly correlated with measures of liberalism. We show that the choice of preference measures affects conclusions about the democratic peace.
[40]
Beckley M. (2018). The power of nations: Measuring what matters. International Security, 43(2), 7-44.
[41]
Boulding K. E. (2019). National images and international systems. In Falk, R., & Kim, S.S. (Eds.). The War System: An Interdisciplinary Approach (1st ed.) (pp. 536-550). London, UK: Routledge.
[42]
Brewer P. R., Gross K., Aday S., & Willnat L. (2004). International trust and public opinion about world affairs. American Journal of Political Science, 48(1), 93-109.
[43]
Crawford T. W. (2011). Preventing enemy coalitions: How wedge strategies shape power politics. International Security, 35(4), 155-189.
States use wedge strategies to prevent hostile alliances from forming or to disperse those that have formed. These strategies can cause power alignments that are otherwise unlikely to occur, and thus have significant consequences for international politics. How do such strategies work and what conditions promote their success? The wedge strategies that are likely to have significant effects use selective accommodation-concessions, compensations, and other inducements-to detach and neutralize potential adversaries. These kinds of strategies play important roles in the statecraft of both defensive and offensive powers. Defenders use selective accommodation to balance against a primary threat by neutralizing lesser ones that might ally with it. Expansionists use selective accommodation to prevent or break up blocking coalitions, which isolates opposing states by inducing potential balancers to buck-pass, bandwagon, or hide. Two cases-Great Britain's defensive attempts to accommodate Italy in the late 1930s and Germany's offensive efforts to accommodate the Soviet Union in 1939-help to demonstrate these arguments. By paying attention to these dynamics, international relations scholars can better understand how balancing works in specific cases, how it manifests more broadly in international politics, and why it sometimes fails in situations where it ought to work well.
[44]
Hoffman A. M. (2006). Building trust:Overcoming suspicion in international conflict. Albany, NY: Suny Press.
[45]
Lieberman B. (1964). i-Trust: a notion of trust in three-person games and international affairs. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 8(3), 271-280.
[46]
Ozkaleli F. M., & Gunes A. (2021). Allied but Deviating NATO in the Multipolar World: Exploring Time Profiles of Western Alliance Cohesion Using Ideal Point Estimations. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, 27(4), 561-586.
“How long can NATO last in a post-US hegemonic, multipolar world?” has become an important question in contemporary world politics. By statistically analyzing NATO alliance cohesion since its inception, this analysis contributes to the literature by developing an original set of indicators that rely on the ideal point estimates from a recent UN General Assembly voting dataset. It empirically verifies that NATO members have higher cohesion than other UN members, although the United States has been the most significant deviating member since 1980. The findings support some earlier proposals such as the external threat hypothesis. They also contradict some others, notably the literature on the Donald Trump administration’s withdrawal doctrine, and the decline of US hegemony and its policy implications. The article concludes that the future challenge for NATO cohesion not only would be the possibility of US abdication or abandonment, but also other members’ balancing the United States as the hegemon.
[47]
Preacher K. J., Rucker D. D., & Hayes A. F. (2007). Addressing moderated mediation hypotheses: Theory, methods, and prescriptions. Multivariate behavioral research, 42(1), 185-227.
This article provides researchers with a guide to properly construe and conduct analyses of conditional indirect effects, commonly known as moderated mediation effects. We disentangle conflicting definitions of moderated mediation and describe approaches for estimating and testing a variety of hypotheses involving conditional indirect effects. We introduce standard errors for hypothesis testing and construction of confidence intervals in large samples but advocate that researchers use bootstrapping whenever possible. We also describe methods for probing significant conditional indirect effects by employing direct extensions of the simple slopes method and Johnson-Neyman technique for probing significant interactions. Finally, we provide an SPSS macro to facilitate the implementation of the recommended asymptotic and bootstrapping methods. We illustrate the application of these methods with an example drawn from the Michigan Study of Adolescent Life Transitions, showing that the indirect effect of intrinsic student interest on mathematics performance through teacher perceptions of talent is moderated by student math self-concept.
[48]
Walt S. M. (1985). Alliance formation and the balance of world power. International security, 9(4), 3-43.

Footnotes

1. 数据来源:We Are Social、《路透社数字新闻报道》、相关调查和报道等综合整理。

2. 本文欲将样本量扩展至2023年10月,即“一带一路”十周年之际,但因受变量之间相互关系的影响,其他变量的最新数据仅到2022年底,综合多种因素,本文将样本量限定为2013年9月至2022年10月。

3. 参见联合国投票理想点数据库Untied Nations General Assembly Voting Data: https://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataset.xhtml?persistentId=hdl:1902.1/12379

4. 参见世界银行“全球治理指数”数据库: https://databank.worldbank.org/source/world-development-indicators

5. 参见ATOP数据库网址: http://www.atopdata.org/data.html。COW数据库网址: https://correlatesofwar.org/

Funding

National Social Science Foundation(19ZDA323)
PDF(1561 KB)

Accesses

Citation

Detail

Sections
Recommended

/