How does a new state, born by way of revolution, produce its social and political institutions? This article explores this question by looking at the case of Greece after independence from the Ottomans (1830). It focuses on the Greek civil jurists and provides a history of a liberal political program that was manifested in Roman-law jurisprudence. As elsewhere in Europe, so too for jurists in Greece, Roman law was both a consistent method for lawmaking and a powerful political ideology, one that linked private property to personal liberty, and to equality of conditions. As in several other colonial and postimperial settings, it developed as a language of statehood and a “territorial” program that associated sovereignty with the reorganization of space within the state. As in a very few other cases, there it became a means of practical statecraft, which the jurists turned against other political programs, including that of the monarchy.

This paper provides an overview of the history of sociology in Austria from its first appearance in the late nineteenth century until the present time. I argue that the Austrian case disproves the conventional view of professionalization leading to disciplinary improvement; Austrian sociology enjoyed a greater status prior to its institutionalization as a university-based discipline. The Austrian case, if anything, suggests the opposite, that the growth of the discipline in terms of institutional status and resources has arguably been accompanied by decline in terms of prestige, recognition, innovation and excellence.

Presentations of the history and range of mixed methods research presented in textbooks, handbooks, and journal articles have typically ignored a great deal of earlier and contemporary research that integrated qualitative and quantitative approaches, but did not explicitly identify itself as “mixed methods.” This article reviews earlier research, in both the natural and social sciences, that clearly integrated qualitative and quantitative approaches and methods, and discusses some contemporary research traditions that use such integration without labeling this “mixed methods.” Important implications of these studies and traditions for the conceptualization and conduct of mixed methods research are discussed.

The article traces the contributions of Austrian social science in the inter-war period, comparing it briefly with the time after 1945. It shows how the response to local development was nevertheless closely linked to global ones and how the shift from politically relevant research to policy relevance occurred.

This paper records the Polish aspects of P. F. Lazarsfeld's sociointellectual biography and examines his impact on Polish sociology. The analysis is divided into three chronological parts. In the 1930s, Lazarsfeld's empirical work inspired Polish sociologists in their studies on unemployment. In the late 1950s and 1960s, his model of empirical social research shaped the style of sociological practice in Poland. In the 1990s, some of Lazarsfeld's substantive contributions, mainly in the area of election studies, were taken up in Polish sociology. Lazarsfeld's influence on Polish sociology was conditioned by changes in Polish society and sociology, which is emphasized in this analysis.

This essay examines the efforts by Austro-Marxists to identify, define, and incorporate “intellectual workers” (geistige Arbeiter) into their movement. In this struggle, socialists faced a hegemonic conservative establishment that controlled the largest scholarly societies and intellectual publications and held most positions in the universities and educational bureaucracy. Despite notable successes in “Red Vienna,” a closer examination of the discourse on intellectuals reveals that conservative ideas remained entrenched in interwar Austria. Austro-Marxists could not overcome the class biases and status anxieties of the educated middle class (Bildungsbürgertum), a problem that became more pronounced as the 1920s unfolded. The analysis of this lost debate reveals that the historiography of interwar Vienna requires revision to account for the relative weakness of progressive and radical ideologies and the persistence of antidemocratic, anti-Semitic, and authoritarian beliefs within Viennese intellectual culture. The participants in this “Black Viennese” cultural field have largely escaped critical scrutiny despite, and likely because of, their pervasiveness during the First Republic and after World War II. In looking at Austrian and European debates on the role of intellectuals in modern society, this article places conservatives back at the center of interwar Austrian intellectual and cultural history, while contending that they must bear greater responsibility for the authoritarian and fascist turns of Austria during the 1930s.