PDF(1643 KB)
Media Attributes, Frames and User’s Online Emotional Expression: A case study of social media representation of Singapore’s first family feud
LIU Chanjun, WANG Weili
Chinese Journal of Journalism & Communication ›› 2021, Vol. 43 ›› Issue (4) : 133-161.
PDF(1643 KB)
PDF(1643 KB)
Media Attributes, Frames and User’s Online Emotional Expression: A case study of social media representation of Singapore’s first family feud
This study selects seventeen-day news reports and user’s comments on the Singapore “first family” feud from the Facebook pages of five different media as research sample. The content analysis is conducted to investigate the differences among five media about their adoption of five news frames: conflict, human interest, morality, attribution of responsibility, and economic consequences. Besides, this study focuses on the differences between frames adopted in the news and the emotional differences demonstrated in relevant users’ comments. The result demonstrates that the conflict frame is the most commonly used frame and it is not restricted by media attributes. Media attributes influence the use of the rest frames: the Facebook pages of the Singaporean online news platform and business tabloid prefer to adopt the human interest frame, while broadsheets pay more attention to the morality frame. The frames adopted by non-Singaporean online news platforms are influenced by their national affiliations. The emotion that expressed from user’s comment on reports using the conflict, morality, attribution of responsibility, and economic consequences frames is mainly negative. However, for the reports using the human interest frame, the subsequent user’ comments tend to demonstrate the different emphases on the negative emotion or sympathy and regret based on the differences of media.
Social media / content analysis / framing analysis / user’s online emotional expression
| [1] |
APA(2017). 社交媒体使用量越高的用户心理压力越大.检索于 http://www.199it.com/archives/570138.html.
|
| [2] |
参考消息(2017). 外媒:李光耀遗嘱成子女内斗焦点李显龙称遗嘱严重存疑(2).检索于 http://www.cankaoxiaoxi.com/world/20170618/2129568_2.shtml.
|
| [3] |
陈柏峰(2017). 当代传媒的政治性及其法律规制. 《法制与社会发展》,(3),119-132.
|
| [4] |
甘惜分(主编)(1993). 《新闻学大辞典》. 郑州: 河南人民出版社.
|
| [5] |
郭镇之(1998). 客观新闻学. 《新闻与传播研究》,(4),58-66.
|
| [6] |
环球网(2017). 将影响“新加坡品牌”?李显龙与弟妹反目引世界围观.检索于 https://world.huanqiu.com/article/9CaKrnK3uvS.
|
| [7] |
姜婷婷, 贺虹虹, 张正楠.(2016). 搜索任务复杂度对用户情感的影响研究. 《图书情报知识》,(4),74-82.
|
| [8] |
李良荣(2001). 《新闻学概论》. 上海: 复旦大学出版社.
|
| [9] |
联合早报(2017). 面簿留言舆情倾向李总理. 检索于 http://www.zaobao.com/news/singapore/story20170702-775686.
|
| [10] |
严怡守(2007). 影响国际新闻报道的因素——几种不同的研究视角. 《江淮论坛》,(5),124-130.
|
| [11] |
央视网(2017). 新加坡第一家庭内讧李显龙“王朝政治“野心暴露.检索于 http://news.cctv.com/2017/06/16/ARTI50tdpXeL5t6MZJExMJN0170616.shtml.
|
| [12] |
杨保军(2001). 《新闻事实论》. 北京: 新华出版社.
|
| [13] |
杨振武(2008). 抓独家新闻和深度报道增强报纸的竞争力和影响力. 《新闻战线》,(4),4-7.
|
| [14] |
|
| [15] |
|
| [16] |
|
| [17] |
\n A considerable amount of research is devoted to the presence and effects of conflict frames in the news. However, it is unknown if journalists actively manufacture and inflate conflict in their coverage of politics, or if they merely respond to contentious politics as it happens. This study focuses on the extent to which journalists take an interventionist stance in the conflict frame building process. We conducted expert interviews (\n N\n = 16) among Dutch political journalists. Results show that journalists indeed take an active stance in conflict frame building. They contribute to the emergence of conflict frames by using exaggerating language, by orchestrating, and by amplifying possible consequences of political conflict. However, intervention in conflict framing is not merely a result of individual agency of journalists. Rather, some role conceptions seem to counter an interventionist stance. Media routines that are embedded in organizational practices were found to facilitate this active role in conflict framing. Finally, journalists are mainly found to be active when politicians or parties with political power are involved.\n
|
| [18] |
|
| [19] |
|
| [20] |
|
| [21] |
|
| [22] |
|
| [23] |
|
| [24] |
|
| [25] |
|
| [26] |
|
| [27] |
|
| [28] |
In this article, the author reviews the studies in this special issue of the American Behavioral Scientist. It is a strong collection of articles reporting findings from an integrated project that looks at frame building, frames, and effects of frames. The project is part of an exciting large-scale Swiss research program on democracy, NCCR. The author reflects not only on the contents of the issue but also on the framing concept in political communication research more generally. He offers suggestions for conceptual clarity and makes three recommendations about future framing research. They pertain to (a) the types of frames that framing researchers look at, (b) the dynamics of framing effects, and (c) advances in research designs in framing research.
|
| [29] |
|
| [30] |
|
| [31] |
|
| [32] |
|
| [33] |
This research assesses whether conflict-laden news coverage affects public perceptions of political institutions and political elites in general. Particularly, is conflict-oriented television news coverage of politics contributing to negative evaluations of political institutions and their leaders? We present evidence from an experiment designed to address this question. Our experiment is constructed around media coverage of the State of the Union Address. We control for the source of news (CNN), and examine how CNN’s Crossfire and Inside Politics’ coverage and analyses of the State of the Union Address influenced the attitudes and perceptions of viewers. We find that conflict-laden television coverage decreases public evaluations of political institutions, trust in leadership, and overall support for political parties and the system as a whole. Our findings have implications for public opinion in an era of increased abundance of high-conflict cable news talk shows that turn the political process into a contact sport.
|
| [34] |
|
| [35] |
|
| [36] |
This study examined whether news framing of policy debates shapes audience members’ emotions. An experiment revolving around the issue of campaign finance reform tested the effects of conflict and substance coverage on anger and disgust among participants. Conflict coverage produced a conditional effect on these emotions, whereas substance coverage did not. Specifically, the extent to which conflict coverage provoked anger and disgust increased with prior support for the losing side of the debate (in this case, the pro-campaign finance reform side). Such effects may carry implications for political journalism and democratic politics.
|
| [37] |
|
| [38] |
|
| [39] |
|
| [40] |
|
| [41] |
|
| [42] |
|
| [43] |
The last few decades have witnessed the increasing dissemination of information on medical advances such as new medical treatments and prevention/diagnosis technologies through television news. To engage lay audiences with complex information, medical journalists often personalize news stories about medical advances by exemplifying individual patients and their personal experiences. This study investigates the effects of this journalistic technique, which is referred to as human interest framing, on audiences. The results of an experiment provide empirical evidence that the human interest framing of medical news stories can increase audiences' involvement in those stories and facilitate their positive perception of medical advances.
|
| [44] |
|
| [45] |
This study examines how the economic climate of the East African Community was covered in Chinese and Western news media between 2005 and 2015. Framing devices measuring risk, opportunity, morality and valence were detected and analysed in four news agencies. A content analysis showed that both the Chinese and Western news media featured opportunism more prominently than risk, and this positivity regarding the East African Community increased with time. However overall, the Western media framed the East African Community more in terms of potential risks than the Chinese media. The Western media featured the voice of African actors more often, and in doing so, the economy of the East African Community was framed somewhat less optimistically. Altogether, this study provides insight into the different ways that the Chinese and the Western news media framed the East African Community over the past decade.
|
| [46] |
|
| [47] |
|
| [48] |
|
| [49] |
|
| [50] |
|
| [51] |
|
| [52] |
|
| [53] |
|
| [54] |
|
| [55] |
|
| [56] |
Does incivility in political discourse have adverse effects on public regard for politics? If so, why? In this study we present a theory suggesting that when viewers are exposed to televised political disagreement, it often violates well-established face-to-face social norms for the polite expression of opposing views. As a result, incivility in public discourse adversely affects trust in government. Drawing on three laboratory experiments, we find that televised presentations of political differences of opinion do not, in and of themselves, harm attitudes toward politics and politicians. However, political trust is adversely affected by levels ofincivilityin these exchanges. Our findings suggest that the format of much political television effectively promotes viewer interest, but at the expense of political trust.
|
| [57] |
The persuasive effects of emotions have been the focus of burgeoning interest in recent years. Rather than considering how emotions function within traditional paradigms of attitude change, this research explores the possibility that emotions serve as frames for issues, privileging certain information in terms of accessibility and thus guiding subsequent decision making. This study’s results offer evidence that fear and anger can differentially affect information accessibility, desired information seeking, and policy preference, though these effects may be contingent on schema development. These findings support not only the relationship between emotions and frames but also the importance of the discrete emotion perspective in persuasive contexts.
|
| [58] |
|
| [59] |
|
| [60] |
|
| [61] |
|
| [62] |
This article examines the relationship between different ownership types in broadcast news to determine the portrayal of election coverage as a strategic game against a focus on policy issues. Using a content analysis of six television and radio programmes during the 2011 Irish general election, we test hypotheses about differences in coverage provided by public service programming with equivalent private sector coverage. Our findings improve upon two key aspects of earlier research on game-policy frames. First, we show that commercial outlets can produce content that has democratic value, and suggest that before reaching definitive judgements not only it is necessary to distinguish between radio and television programmes but it is also advisable to study individual programming on each medium. Second, in a key market segment, we show that there is a clear distinction between editorial choices on policy content between public and private radio. These findings suggest that policy-orientated private programming may react to factors such as a culture of public service broadcasting as well as regulatory interventionism. We also suggest that there are cases where policy-rich private programming is driven by different editorial values from its public counterpart which can benefit the public.
|
| [63] |
|
| [64] |
Some writers assume--and others deny--that all human beings distinguish emotions from nonemotions and divide the emotions into happiness, anger, fear, and so on. A review of ethnographic and cross-cultural studies on (a) emotion lexicons, (b) the emotions inferred from facial expressions, and (c) dimensions implicit in comparative judgments of emotions indicated both similarities and differences in how the emotions are categorized in different languages and cultures. Five hypotheses are reviewed: (a) Basic categories of emotion are pancultural, subordinate categories culture specific; (b) emotional focal points are pancultural, boundaries culture specific; (c) emotion categories evolved from a single primitive category of physiological arousal; (d) most emotion categories are culture specific but can be defined by pancultural semantic primitives; and (e) an emotion category is a script with both culture-specific and pancultural components.
|
| [65] |
|
| [66] |
This study offers insights into how news media frames interact with existing value orientations in shaping voter preferences. It is assumed that a framing effect should be more pronounced when frames in the news resonate with people’s existing value predispositions. These assumptions were tested in a real-world setting of a political campaign dealing with the issue of naturalization of immigrants. Based on a data set in which the data of a two-wave panel survey were matched with content analytic data, the present research demonstrated frame-resonance effects for news reporting about the pro campaign. That is, framing the issue in terms of the notion that people should have the final say in naturalization procedures shaped voting preferences only for voters whose basic values of social order, tradition, and security (high authoritarians) were touched. In contrast, a main effect of the opponents’ framing in the news on voting preferences was found. Thus, the majority followed the framing of the opponents who put emphasis on a fair and pragmatic solution of the naturalization issue.
|
| [67] |
|
| [68] |
|
| [69] |
Why did the occupational norm of ‘objectivity’ arise in American journalism? This question has attracted the interest of many journalism historians but it has not previously been examined as an instance of a more general social phenomenon, the emergence of new cultural norms and ideals. Four conditions for the emergence of new norms are identified – two having to do with the self-conscious pursuit of internal group solidarity; and two having to do with the need to articulate the ideals of social practice in a group in order to exercise control over subordinates and to pass on group culture to the next generation. Reviewing the history of the professionalization of American journalism, this essay identifies the late 19th and early 20th century as the period when these conditions crystallized. Alternative technological and economic explanations of the emergence of objectivity are criticized and the difficulty of understanding why objectivity as a norm emerged first and most fully in the United States rather than in European journalism is discussed.
|
| [70] |
|
| [71] |
|
| [72] |
|
| [73] |
|
| [74] |
Despite the major importance of the news media’s election news coverage, there are still only a few cross-national studies on how the media cover elections. There are even fewer that include both newspapers and TV news and that probe possible antecedents of how the media frame politics in their election news. Against this background, this article compares the media framing of election news in two countries—Belgium and Sweden— that constitute highly similar cases and both belong to the democratic corporatist model of media and politics. The study focuses on the importance of media channels, media types, and commercialism as antecedents of the media’s framing of election news.
|
| [75] |
|
| [76] |
The Online Citizen (2017). Lee Hsien Yang and family making preparations to leave Singapore out of fear.Retrieved from https://www.onlinecitizenasia.com/2017/06/14/lee-hsien-yang-and-family-making-preparations-to-leave-singapore-out-of-fear/.
|
| [77] |
|
| [78] |
The Straits Times (2017a). Lee Hsien Yang says PM Lee Hsien Loong still not addressing their father's wish to demolish 38 Oxley Road. Retrieved from https://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/lee-hsien-yang-says-pm-lee-hsien-loong-still-not-addressing-their-fathers-wish-to-demolish.
|
| [79] |
The Straits Times (2017b). Oxley Road dispute: No confidence that a fair, complete account of events will be told in Parliament, says Lee Hsien Yang. Retrieved from https://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/oxley-road-dispute-no-confidence-that-a-fair-complete-account-of-events-will-be-told-in.
|
| [80] |
|
| [81] |
|
| [82] |
|
| [83] |
|
| [84] |
With headlines and texts held constant, the subheads of articles embedded in an Internet newsmagazine were manipulated in an overview from which articles could be selected. In a control condition, the lead, indicating deplorable happenings,was framed in a factual manner.In the other conditions,the leads were framed either in terms of conflict between feuding parties, the unfolding of disastrous occurrences, the emotional upheaval and agony suffered by the victims of these occurrences, or the economic implications of the incidents. Selective exposure to the articles was accumulated in minute intervals and automatically recorded. Leads projecting aggravated conflict or the agony over suffered misfortunes were found to foster increased reading times of the associated articles. The effects of highlighting misfortunes by themselves or of emphasizing the misfortunes’ economic implications proved to be negligible, however.
|
1. 虽然姜婷婷等在文献中使用的是“情感”一词，但是其对应英文翻译也采用“Emotion”一词，与本文中的“情绪”一词系出同源，代表相同含义，因此，可作为本文的分类参考。
/
| 〈 |
|
〉 |
